The complex situation in East Asia and the wider Pacific-Indian Ocean Region is prompting governments to deploy a full range of tools, from economic diplomacy to humanitarian relief operations to declarations of exclusive
Recent amphibious drills offer a glimpse into Tokyo’s strategy to deter and avoid armed conflict with China. The goal is to prevent giving the impression that limited force could succeed in securing a foothold in contested islands, with Japan either unable (for lack of military capabilities) or unwilling (due to insufficient domestic support or international opposition) to counterstrike. The security component in Japanese strategy consists of at least six legs: the development of specialized Marine-like units, the holding of regular drills, the deployment of shore-based
The large-scale amphibious drills in early November constitute a major step forward in deterrence strategy, putting on display Japan’s ability both to reconquer an island and to prevent the passage through key straits of hostile shipping. This follows Prime Minister Abe Shinzo ‘s repeated references to the Falklands in his speeches, an indirect yet unequivocal way of warning China that an invasion of the Senkaku Islands (Diaoyu for Beijing, Diaoyutai for Taipei) would be met with an amphibious counterstrike. This was crowned by his meeting in early October with Falklands veteran the Duke of York. On the political and diplomatic
Japan’s growing amphibious capability. The creation of specialized amphibious units and facilities is one aspect of Japan’s defense reorientation following the end of the Cold War and the growing might of the Chinese Navy. Japan’s Maritime Self-Defense Forces (MSDF) are significant in size and capabilities. Although they may not sport some weapons systems deemed to be offensive and therefore incompatible with Article 9 as officially interpreted, they are still one of Asia’s powerful navies. In an overview of the MSDF’s historical origins, rationale,
Japan’s goal in beefing up her amphibious forces is to develop a capability to deploy sufficient force in contested islands in the event of a crisis, and to retake them if necessary. Current Japanese policy is not to deploy a permanent land force, or even a permanent civilian presence, in those same islands.4 With that end in view, Tokyo, mentored by the US Navy and Marine Corps, set out to develop a specialized
Until 2012, Japan considered marines to be offensive in nature and thus precluded by Article 9 of the constitution. The current government interpretation of Article 9 is that it allows defensive, but not offensive, weapons, a distinction not always easy to make in practice. Finally, last year the cabinet came to the conclusion that Japanese law allowed marines units to be created and deployed. The unit selected to serve as the core of this amphibious capability was the Western Army Infantry Regiment (WAIR), based in Nagasaki. This location facilitates quick embarkation on MSDF (Maritime Self-Defence Forces) ships at Nagasaki/Sasebo or on V-22 Ospreys from nearby air bases at Nyutabaru and Tsuiki. From this core, Japanese amphibious capabilities are expected to expand. There have also been reports of discussions on the possible creation of a further specialized amphibious unit.6
In any case, an important step was Japan’s participation earlier this year in the Dawn Blitz 2013 exercise in California, a US-led multinational military drill which also featured troops from New Zealand and Canada. Described as “historic” by a USMC officer, Tokyo’s participation was notable not only because of the scale of forces
These drills took place in the face of Beijing’s protests, not officially confirmed but noted by a number of observers. Tai Ming Cheung, an analyst of Chinese and East Asian security affairs and director of the Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation at the University of California, San Diego, said that “It’s another dot that the Chinese will connect to show this significant expanding military cooperation”. On the other hand, Colonel Grant Newsham, USMC liaison officer to the Japanese military, noted that “If the 20th century taught us anything, it is that when democracies are able and willing to defend themselves, it preserves peace and stability”, adding that “Most Asian countries welcome–even if quietly stated–a more capable (Japanese force) that is also closely allied to U.S. forces”. Kerry Gershaneck, from the Pacific Forum-Center for Strategic & International Studies, described Japan’s progress in amphibious warfare as “hugely significant” and noted that, given the United States’ treaty commitment to defend Japanese territory, “We cannot ask young American Marines to fight and die doing a job that Japanese forces cannot, or will
Despite its name, the WAIR is, broadly speaking, of battalion size. It is made up of at least three infantry companies. Its table of equipment is that of a light infantry unit, with weapons no heavier than 84mm Carl Gustav
Concerning air support, up to now the WAIR has not had at its disposal any dedicated, specialized, collocated (that is, based on the same facilities), air unit. Hitherto, it has relied on helicopters from the 1st Aviation Brigade, with headquarters near Tokyo. For example, during the June 2013 Dawn Blitz drills, which took place in Southern California, this brigade provided AH-64 Apache and CH-47 Chinook helicopters. Now Tokyo is pondering the possibility of purchasing organic air transport for her marines, in the shape of up to 20 V-22 Ospreys. This could allow the WAIR to quickly move to the Senkaku Islands in the event of a crisis.11 The Ospreys remain, however, controversial in Japan, with opposition due to past accidents. Pol Molas considers them to be “expensive and mechanically troublesome”.12 It remains to be seen whether their deployment in the Philippines, in the Allied humanitarian operations in the wake of Typhoon Haiyan / Yolanda,13 improves their image.
Although the decision to develop specialized marine units is rather recent, Japan has long enjoyed a sizable capability in amphibious ships. We could cite here the MSDF’s three
Each Hyuga class helicopter destroyer can carry up to 14 or 16 helicopters, and it probably would not be too difficult to convert them to operate VTOL (vertical take-off and landing) planes like the F-35-B which the UK is buying for her Queen Elizabeth Class carriers, currently under construction. The same could be said about its successor, the Izumo (22DH) class, which is even more capable, but still
We can thus see how, of the three pillars of Tokyo’s amphibious forces, the maritime one is probably the strongest. The land component is currently under development, and there is still a lack of specialized air units and equipment, with Tokyo pondering the purchase of V-22 Ospreys.
Washington appears to be interested not only in helping Tokyo reinforce her military capabilities as a complement to her own “Pivot to the Pacific”, which rests in no small measure on a strengthening of the naval capabilities of key allies and partners such as the Philippines and Japan, but also in pressing for a Japanese contribution to US-led amphibious operations. This was stressed by Kyle Mizokami in his recent analysis of “Japan’s Amphibious Buildup” for the United States Naval Institute News. Mizokami wrote, “Under the tutelage of the U.S. Navy and Marine Corps, Japan is slowly but surely building up a credible, flexible amphibious force capable of responding to national emergencies. Highly trained with a high level of mobility, it could eventually become the equal of both. The force will not only be highly useful in Japan’s territorial disputes, it will likely be an excellent partner for their American counterparts in joint operations”.16
Writing in the Asahi Shimbun, Koji Sonoda explained that according to Japanese Defense Ministry sources “The creation of a Japanese version of U.S. Marines will be included in the National Defense Program Guidelines to be compiled in December”, adding that “The amphibious force will be set up as early as fiscal 2015”. Sonoda said that these sources had revealed the target size of the force to be 3,000. Four of the specialized craft mentioned earlier would be purchased in the current fiscal year, and the remaining two in Fiscal 2014.17
The interim report by Japan’s Defense Posture Review Commission made it clear that building up amphibious capabilities was one of the priorities for defense planners. The report stated that one of the “areas to be emphasized for defense buildup” was the capability to “respond to attacks on remote islets”. This requires an ability to “rapidly deploy troops as the situation unfolds”, requiring a “mobile deployment capability” and an “amphibious capability”. The mobile deployment capability is to rest on “joint transport” and “civilian transport capacity”, while also requiring “supply bases”.18
Concerning the emerging Japanese amphibious force, retired Vice Admiral Koda Yoji, commander in chief of the Maritime Self-Defense Force’s Self-Defense Fleet from 2007 to 2008, has termed it “one of the biggest challenges the SDF has faced since it was established”. Concerning its shape, Koda explained this summer that Japan needed some 10 units, with 200 to 300 personnel each, in order to enjoy the necessary flexibility to defend the different islands in the Okinawa chain. The admiral believes that these units should all combine land, air, and sea capabilities, while being
Although the SDF set up a Joint Staff Office in 2006, tasked with coordinating joint operations, significant obstacles to complete coordination of its three branches remain, for example in the form of different radio systems, frequencies, and even
The latest drills: ships, jets, and 34,000 troops. On 24 October, Japan’s Defense Ministry announced a large-scale military exercise designed to bolster the country’s ability to protect remote islands claimed by other nations. A Ministry official explained that the war games would feature “destroyers, fighter jets and 34,000 troops”, adding that they would involve “live-firing”. The “air-sea-land drill” would be held from 1 to 18 November, comprising “amphibious landings on the uninhabited atoll of Okidaitojima, 400
The number of troops involved is indicative of the significance of the drills, which looms larger when one recalls that one year earlier similar amphibious exercises were
Closing the First Island Chain: the Long Shadow of HMS Glamorgan
The deployment of shore-based
Map showing Ishigaki and Miyako Islands, part of Okinawa Prefecture.24 |
The significance of shore-based
Map showing the distance between Ishigaki Island and other nearby land features.25 |
Camouflaged shore-launched missiles give ships under attack a much shorter reaction time. As a result, the scope for countermeasures is considerably smaller. It is easier to detect hostile ships and planes from a distance, in comparison with a hidden mobile missile launcher, which may only reveal itself after having opened fire. While modern ships tend to be equipped with close-range air
The British factor: A renewed Anglo-Japanese Alliance? Lessons from the South Atlantic go beyond the potential of
Abe’s coded message to Beijing: shaking hands with Falklands veteran, His Royal Highness the Duke of York.30 |
The 400th anniversary of UK-Japan relations seems to be providing cover for Japan’s deterrence diplomacy. Next year, the 100 anniversary of the First World War, where Japan and the UK fought together, may provide further opportunities for the Japanese prime minister to send subtle messages to China and to Tokyo’s allies. In his keynote address at the RUSI conference, Abe noted how the Japanese Imperial Navy came to be known as “the guardian of the Mediterranean”. Can Japan combine a no-nonsense approach to national security without incurring excessive military spending and/or prompting accusations of militarism at home and abroad? That is a key question, and one on which the Japanese Government seems to be looking to the UK as a possible role model, or at least recalling the heydays of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance at the dawn of the twentieth century, when Japan was widely respected as a regional power without being seen as an outcast and a bully as in the 1930s. One of the main challenges is selling this to South Korea, a country clearly reluctant to see Tokyo play a stronger role in international, and particularly security, affairs.
Truck carrying Type 88 missiles. Also known as SSM-1 or |
Conclusions. Increasing tensions in Asia make it necessary to examine the different strategies of the actors involved, Japan among them. Most observers hope that some sort of diplomatic settlement will ultimately be reached. In support of such a
Among others, Tokyo is trying to reinforce economic and political relations with a wide range of actors. These include ASEAN member states, India, and Mongolia, just to mention a few. Prime Minister Abe Shinzo also seems to attach great importance to improved relations with Russia, and this is matched by a corresponding interest by Russian leader Putin. It is reinforced by both countries’ needs for energy trade diversification, Russia as exporter and Japan as developer and importer. Moscow and Tokyo show how territorial disputes and historical mistrust are not necessarily an obstacle to better
Artistic rendering of the launch of an Exocet by the ITB.29 |
At the same time, however, Tokyo is reinforcing the SDF, as one of the pillars
In this context, the SDF drills in early November were significant, and not only due to the large number of personnel involved, but above all because they signaled a clear determination to show the world, both allies and potential foes, that Japan was back as a major naval power and was developing a serious amphibious capability, together with the ability to close off key maritime passages at a time of conflict. The skills and professionalism of the Japanese military are not in doubt. Neither is Tokyo’s determination to expand their capabilities. Tokyo now seeks to integrate the securing of such objectives as the defense of the Senkaku Islands with wider interests including maintaining freedom of navigation and the peaceful solution to territorial disputes. This is essential in order to secure the support, or at least the acquiescence, of other powers. Since becoming prime minister for
Three challenges remain, though, for the reinforcement of the SDF to successfully take place and hopefully contribute to Japanese diplomacy and facilitating a peaceful settlement
Alex
Recommended citation: Alex Calvo, “Marines, Missiles, and the Iron Lady: The Military Leg in Japan’s Ocean Strategy,” The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 11, Issue 49, No. 1, December 9, 2013.
Notes
1 Alessio Patalano “Japan: Britain of the Far East?”, The Diplomat, 18 January 2011.
2 Private communication to the author, 5 December 2013.
3 James R. Holmes “The Top 5 Navies of the Indo-Pacific”, The Diplomat, 21 January 2013.
4 For a discussion on whether this may be strategically destabilizing, see Alex Calvo “The Third Dimension of Warfare and Tactical Stability in the Senkaku Islands”, Birmingham “‘on War”: The blog of the postgraduate students at the Centre for War Studies, University of Birmingham, 9 January 2013.
5 Kyle Mizokami “Japan’s Amphibious Buildup”, United States Naval Institute News, 9 October 2013.
6 Kyle Mizokami “Japan’s Amphibious Buildup”, United States Naval Institute News, 9 October 2013.
7 Zachary Keck “Japan Might Create Island Assault Unit”, The Diplomat, 15 June 2013.
8 “Japan holds
9 Max Hastings and Simon Jenkins, The Battle for the Falklands, (London: Pan Books, 2010), p. 94 and Lawrence Freedman and Virginia Gamba-Stonehouse, Signals of War: The Falklands Conflict of 1982 (London: Faber and Faber, 1990), p. 120.
10 Kyle Mizokami “Japan’s Amphibious Buildup”, United States Naval Institute News, 9 October 2013.
11 Kyle Mizokami “Japan’s Amphibious Buildup”, United States Naval Institute News, 9 October 2013.
12 Private communication to the author, dated 15 November 2013.
13 “More Ospreys Deploy to
14 The MSDF’s three
15 Alessio Patalano “Japan’s new helicopter destroyer, the imperial navy legacy and the power of a name”, Asahi Shimbun, 22 August 2013.
16 Kyle Mizokami “Japan’s Amphibious Buildup”, United States Naval Institute News, 9 October 2013.
17 Koji Sonoda “Japan’s new defense guidelines to stipulate amphibious force”, Asahi Shimbun, 12 October 2013.
18 The text also notes that “properly equipping the new unit for the amphibious mission” will be necessary.
19 Ayako Mie and Mizuho Aoki “Nation’s troops long way from hitting the beaches: experts”, The Japan Times, 1 August 2013.
20 Ayako Mie and Mizuho Aoki “Nation’s troops long way from hitting the beaches: experts”, The Japan Times, 1 August 2013.
21 Shigemi Sato “Japan readies island war games amid YouTube PR push”, AFP, 24 October 2013.
22 For a discussion on whether Japan should develop, as part of her Marine force, a police capability to deal with landings by civilians or mixed landings by military and civilian forces, please see Alex Calvo, “From ‘Three Blocks’ to ‘Three Islands’”, Small Wars Journal, 18 November 2013.
23 “Japan’s Latest Military Exercise Sends a Message to China”, Stratfor, 25 October 2013.
24 Map
25 Map
26 I. Inskip, Ordeal by Exocet: HMS Glamorgan and the Falklands War 1982, (London: Frontline Books, 2012).
27 Following the attack against HMS Glamorgan, the Royal Navy quickly installed the Phalanx system in its ships. H. Bicheno, Razor’s Edge. The Unofficial History of the Falklands War, (London: Phoenix, 2007), p. 131.
28
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30 Picture
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