Abstract
In September 2016, the Cabinet Office of Japan published the results of an epidemiological survey focusing on acute social withdrawal (hikikomori). This article summarizes and assesses the major features of the survey. It aims at facilitating research and international exchanges on a mental health and social problem affecting at least 541,000 people in Japan that seems to have spread to industrialized societies.
Introduction
Hikikomori designates a phenomenon of social withdrawal in which individuals remain locked in their room for several months or years without social relationships. Saitō Tamaki’s book (Saitō 1998, 2013) played an important role in the understanding of the phenomenon, which became the subject of numerous TV reports and newspaper articles. An increasing number of articles were published in Japanese, and some in English peer-reviewed journals (see for instance Ogino 2004; Kaneko 2006; Borovoy 2008). It includes important articles published in The Asia-Pacific Journal such as Tuukka Toivonen’s and Aaron Miller’s insights on contemporary NPO and NGO supporting distressed youths (Miller and Toivonen 2010), and the interview of a well-known figure in the hikikomori-NEET community Futagami Nōki (Futagami and Asano 2006). Scientific discussion of the issue struggled with the legitimacy of using the term hikikomori in psychiatry (Tateno et al 2012); the prevalence of multiple mental disorders among the hikikomori population (Kondo et al. 2013; Hamasaki 2015; Ryder 2015); the appropriateness of considering hikikomori as a
First reports from the Ministry of Health Labor and Welfare were published in 2001 and 2003, whereas the 2010 report is considered as a milestone in hikikomori studies (Kōsei rōdō shō 2001, 2003, 2010). Also, in 2010, a shorter survey was published by the Cabinet Office of Japan (Nihon Naikakufu 2010). We discuss this survey below, which estimates the hikikomori population.
Here, we present for the first time in English, a synthesis of the youths’ life survey published by the Cabinet Office of Japan in September 2016. We include details concerning questions such as “What applies to me?” (III-8) and “daily life habits” (III-9). This 169-page survey is descriptive. It presents data about the phenomenon while never discussing, providing statistical analysis, or interpreting the results. In the present synthesis, we present the survey while remaining faithful to this descriptive spirit before comprehensively assessing it in the conclusion.
2016 hikikomori survey
The survey was published in September 2016 and is entitled “Wakamono no
It starts by describing the results of the first investigation in 2010. At the time, the Cabinet Office formed a team of psychiatrists and clinical psychologists to produce a report entitled “Investigation on Youths’ Consciousness (Investigation on Hikikomori) (Nihon Naikakufu 2010). The target of the investigation was a cohort of 5000 individuals between 15 and 39 years old, nationwide. In Japan, individuals in this age range are classified as “
In addition, the investigation included items such as “I understand the feeling of being
Following the 2010 results, a similar investigation was conducted by the Cabinet Office to research the actual conditions of withdrawal. We present the principal results, which were made public in September 2016. The report explains the necessity of actively supporting youth who are struggling in their social life and researching their actual condition. The survey underlines the difficulty of understanding the relational mechanisms that are so challenging for troubled youth, especially those who are
Overview of the survey
Materials and methods
The purpose of the investigation is to determine the number of individuals experiencing hikikomori, to identify the nature of appropriate assistance, to understand the onset and character of the youths’ difficulties, and to promote the implementation of an assistance network, in every region, nationwide.
The target of the investigation is 15- to 39-year-old individuals and their families living in 198 municipalities nationwide. Auto-questionnaires were distributed (randomized distribution) to 5000 individuals (90.3% live with one or several members of their family).
The investigators distributed and collected the questionnaire at home from December 11,
Group definitions
A first portion of the investigation allowed the identification of a group of “hikikomori in the broad sense” (Kōgi no hikikomori gun), based on precise inclusion and exclusion criteria. The aim was to focus on whether autonomy was acquired, an important issue in terms of Japanese youth policy (Toivonen 2008).
Individuals who responded to questions Q20 and Q22 with the following responses were included in the group of hikikomori:
Q20: “In what circumstances do you go out?” (Fudan dono kurai gaishutsu shimasu ka)
5. I only go out for my hobbies.
6. I go out in the neighborhood, to the convenience store, etc.
7. I leave my room, but not the house.
8. I rarely leave the house.
Q22: “How long have you experienced this condition?”
Those who responded “more than six months” were included as hikikomori.
Individuals who responded as follows to Q23, Q13, and Q18 were excluded: Q23: “What triggered your current state?” Those who selected “disease” and responded schizophrenia, or gave the name of a physical disease; “pregnant”; “other” or wrote that they work at home, gave birth, or take care of their children’s education, were excluded.
Q13: “Are you currently working?” Each individual among those who stayed home and who responded “housewife/husband” or “cleaner” was excluded.
Q18: “State what you often do when you are at home.” Individuals who responded doing domestic tasks or helping with their children’s education were excluded.
Consequently, those who gave responses 6, 7, and 8 to Q20 above are defined as “hikikomori in the strict sense” (Kyōgi no hikikomori). Those who responded 5 (I only go out for my hobbies) to Q20 are defined as “quasi-hikikomori” (jun hikikomori). The group defined as hikikomori in the broad sense is composed of the sum of individuals defined as hikikomori in the strict sense and quasi-hikikomori. Among the 3104 valid questionnaires (62.0%) collected, 49 (1.57%) satisfy the definition of hikikomori in the broad sense. According to demographic estimates of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (2015), the population aged 15 to 39 is comprised of 34.45 million people, while the estimated number of individuals with hikikomori in the broad sense, is estimated, based on the present survey, as 541,000.
Additionally, individuals who feel sympathy for, or those who understand hikikomori, and those who think they might want to withdraw, are extracted and defined as an affinity group (
(13) I understand the feelings of those who shut themselves in at home or in their room and don’t go out.
(14) I already thought about shutting myself in at home or in my room.
(15) If there’s an unpleasant event, I don’t want to go out.
(16) If there’s a reason, I think it’s normal to shut myself in at home or in my room. Individuals in the group hikikomori in the broad sense are excluded from the affinity group. According to the representative sample of the present survey, the estimated number of individuals in the affinity group is 1.656 million nationwide. The general group identified as hikikomori is composed of the total number of respondents (3104) minus the group with hikikomori in the broad sense (49 individuals), and the affinity group (150 individuals), i.e., 2,905 individuals.
Results
1. Gender
The group with hikikomori in the broad sense is comprised of 63.3% men and 36.7% women. In the affinity group, 40.7% are men and 59.3% are women. In the general group, 48.0% are men and 52.0 % are women. See Chart 1. Note: Graphs and tables were prepared by the authors. They were not included in the survey of the Cabinet Office but were designed to present the data comprehensively.
Chart 1: Gender (hikikomori, affinity group, general group) |
2. Age
The group classified as hikikomori in the broad sense was comprised of individuals aged 15–19 (10.2%), 20–24 (24.5%), 25–29 (24.5%), 30–34 (20.4%), and 35–39 (20.4%). The affinity group was comprised of individuals aged 15 to 19 (27.3%), 20–24 (24.7%), 25–29 (21.3%), 30–34 (18.0%), and 35–39 (8.7%). The general group was comprised of individuals aged 15–19 (18.1%), 20–24 (16.8%), 25–29 (17.2%), 30–34 (22.0%), and 35–39 (25.8%). See Chart 2.
Chart 2: Age (hikikomori, affinity group, general group) |
3. Education
The percentage of those who responded “I am currently studying” was 24.4% in the general group, 33.3% in the affinity group, and 10.2% in the group with hikikomori in the broad sense. The percentage of those who responded “I already graduated” was 71.7% in the general group, 62.0% in the affinity group, and 63.3% in the group with hikikomori in the broad sense. The percentage of those who responded “I dropped out” was 3.4% in the general group, 4.0% in the affinity group, and 24.5% in the group with hikikomori in the broad sense. The percentage of those who responded “I am temporarily not attending school” was 2.0% in the group with hikikomori in the broad sense. See Chart 3.
Chart 3: Education (hikikomori, affinity group, general group) |
4. Current professional situation When asked about their current employment situation, 43.2% of those in the general group
5. The age when hikikomori begins When asked about the approximate age when their current situation started, for those in the group with hikikomori in the broad sense, 12.2% responded “before 14,” 30.6% “between 15 and 19,” 34.7% “between 20 and 24,” 8.2% “between 25 and 29,” 4.1% “between 30 and 34,” and 10.2% “between 35 and 39.” See Chart 4.
Chart 4: The age when hikikomori begins |
6. The duration of hikikomori When asked about the duration of withdrawal, for those in the group with hikikomori in the broad sense, 12.2% reported “from six months to one year,” 28.6% “3 to 5 years,” 12.2% “5 to 7 years,” and 34.7% “more than 7 years.” See Chart 5.
Chart 5: The duration of hikikomori |
7. The trigger of hikikomori The 49 individuals in the group with hikikomori in the broad sense were asked what triggered their current state: 9 individuals responded “school non-attendance” or “I did not adapt to the workplace,” 8 reported that “my job-seeking activities failed” or “my human relationships were bad,” 7 said “illness,” 3 said “I failed the exam,” and 2 responded “I did not adapt to the university.” Among the 15 individuals who responded “other,” were the following responses: “apathy,” “no specific reason,” “because I am inside,” “I never really thought about it,” “the company moved its services,” and “I wanted to do what I wanted.” Many did not give a specific response. See Chart 6.
Chart 6: The trigger of hikikomori |
8. About Q32, “What applies to me?” and Q34, “Habits of daily life”
Results are detailed in Table 1.
Regarding question Q34-3 “In the morning, I wake up at a fixed time.” 44.9% in the group hikikomori in the broad sense; 39.3% in the affinity group; 22.7% in the general group disagreed with the statement.
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Concluding remarks
In the 2010 survey, the estimate of the hikikomori population was 696,000 and the 2016 survey estimated their number at 541,000. The estimated total number of hikikomori individuals seems to have decreased. However, according to the 2010 survey, 23.7% of those belonging to the category hikikomori were between 35 and 39 years old. As this group was older than 39 in 2015, they represent an aging hikikomori population that was not included in the 2016 survey. Nevertheless, the aging of this population is a great problem in contemporary Japanese society.
Regarding the duration of the withdrawal, the comparison of the two surveys’ results shows a lengthening of the withdrawal: 34.7% were hikikomori for more than 7 years in 2016, while only 16.7% were in 2010. The phenomenon thus accelerated during the last six years.
Again, the 2016 survey does not include those who are above 39 for reasons of age. In this respect, it would be necessary to take into account the hikikomori population between 40 and 50 years old. In fact, researchers, clinical practitioners, social workers, and parents have been concerned for many years about the aging of the hikikomori population.
The absence of consideration of individuals above 39 is one of the reasons we conclude, along with other experts (Kato et al. 2017), that 541,000 is an under-estimation of the phenomenon. Other reasons might be cited as well. For instance, 38% of the questionnaires were considered invalid. It is highly unlikely that current hikikomori individuals would not be in this group. As some of them are distressed, their responses could easily become invalid.
In addition, the criteria defining the affinity group seem questionable. We understand why it is interesting to distinguish an affinity group from the hikikomori group, but some members of the affinity group may themselves be
The affinity group represented 1.55 million individuals in
Alternatively, nothing indicates that this affinity group is a real “at-risk group.” We would rather consider that, although they cognitively feel close to hikikomori individuals, or share the same ideas, the very fact they have not developed this behavior should lead us to question the “protecting” factors they might benefit from, environmental factors such as family. Sociological, anthropological, and psychological further research could focus on why they are not hikikomori and what kind of strategies they developed to cope with their problems.
Additionally, men represented 66.1% of hikikomori individuals in the 2010 survey, and 63.3% in the 2016 survey, which is a slight decrease. Given that women in the affinity group of the 2016 survey represent 59.3%, one could not reasonably claim that hikikomori is essentially a problem among men.
In terms of the daily life of hikikomori, responses to Q34 show that the level of autonomy is low, and the rhythm of daily life is disturbed. This is a consequence of social withdrawal and, simultaneously, one could think that it is also a risk factor. In a society where the birthrate is constantly declining, strong parental intervention might cause problems in terms of youth autonomy. In the future, it would be important to focus on developmental mechanisms of hikikomori and to facilitate autonomy from childhood to prevent co-dependency (child-parent). Here, a few remarks are necessary to explain why and how the declining birthrate is related to co-dependency.
When several children are present in the family, like earlier Japanese families, the time spent by a parent with each child, individually, is lower compared with families in which there is only one child. With the decline of natality and the increase of families with a single child, certain expressions appeared such as
Boshi
The model of the housewife raising the child and the father as the breadwinner (Lock 1995) is weakening in
Another phenomenon known as “mama
Overall, the survey is highly informative. However, statistical analysis and qualitative analysis remain to be conducted. The increasing number of articles on the topic from
Acknowledgements
Nicolas
Related articles
Futagami, Nōki, and Shirō Asano. 2006. “The ‘Integrated Community’: Toward the Transformation of the Hikikomori Archipelago Japan. A Dialogue between Asano Shirō and Futagami Nōki (translation John Junkerman).” The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus.
Miller, Aaron L., and Tuukka Toivonen. 2010. “To Discipline or Accommodate ? On the Rehabilitation of Japanese ‘Problem Youth.’” The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus.
Yoneyama, Shoko. 2008. “The Era of Bullying: Japan Under Neoliberalism.” The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus 1-3-09.
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